TY - JOUR
T1 - Overextension in Gottscheerisch (negative) imperatives
T2 - proclisis at the edge of the first phase
AU - Putnam, Michael T.
AU - Hoffman, Andrew D.
N1 - Funding Information:
The ideas developed in this article have benefited from the comments and queries of participants at GLAC-24 and members of the Theoretical Linguistics Group at the University of Oslo. We would especially like to recognize the following individuals for thought-provoking discussions and assistance with theoretical concepts and Bavarian and Slovene data: Elly van Gelderen, Bill Keel, Terje Lohndal, Lisa Reed, Joe Salmons, Adrian Stegovec, Nora Vosburg, Marit Westergaard, and Alfred Wildfeuer. Finally, we wish to thank three anonymous JCGL reviewers for their assistance in helping us strengthen this manuscript. Lastly, many thanks to Jonathan Crum and Ashley Pahis for help with LaTeX-troubleshooting. All remaining errors are shouldered by the authors.
Publisher Copyright:
© 2021, The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature B.V.
PY - 2021/7
Y1 - 2021/7
N2 - Gottscheerisch, a Southern Bavarian heritage grammar from Kočevje (Gottschee) in southern Slovenia, has existed in steady contact with Slovene for centuries, with arguably only negligible effects on its syntax with respect to the linear ordering of elements. An exception to this statement can be found in Gottscheerisch imperatives—in particular, negative imperatives—where this German-based dialect patterns with Slovene. Following Aboh (in The emergence of hybrid grammars: Language contact and change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), we propose that this contact-induced change is simultaneously a case of pattern and feature transmission that can be captured in a straightforward and conceptually appealing manner. Adopting a late-insertion derivational approach to morphosyntax, we show how separable prefixes (p-elements) exhibit clitic climbing-like behavior to the edge of the first (vP) phase. Finally, we sketch out an analysis of the overextension of Slovene-like (negative) imperatives in Gottscheerisch in connection with the complex nature of V2.
AB - Gottscheerisch, a Southern Bavarian heritage grammar from Kočevje (Gottschee) in southern Slovenia, has existed in steady contact with Slovene for centuries, with arguably only negligible effects on its syntax with respect to the linear ordering of elements. An exception to this statement can be found in Gottscheerisch imperatives—in particular, negative imperatives—where this German-based dialect patterns with Slovene. Following Aboh (in The emergence of hybrid grammars: Language contact and change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), we propose that this contact-induced change is simultaneously a case of pattern and feature transmission that can be captured in a straightforward and conceptually appealing manner. Adopting a late-insertion derivational approach to morphosyntax, we show how separable prefixes (p-elements) exhibit clitic climbing-like behavior to the edge of the first (vP) phase. Finally, we sketch out an analysis of the overextension of Slovene-like (negative) imperatives in Gottscheerisch in connection with the complex nature of V2.
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U2 - 10.1007/s10828-021-09126-4
DO - 10.1007/s10828-021-09126-4
M3 - Article
AN - SCOPUS:85107519464
SN - 1383-4924
VL - 24
SP - 185
EP - 219
JO - Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics
JF - Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics
IS - 2
ER -